演講稿的語言應(yīng)該簡潔明了，避免使用過于專業(yè)或難懂的術(shù)語，我們大家都知道，演講稿在演講中起到了非常重要的作用，范文社小編今天就為您帶來了知名人演講稿5篇，相信一定會對你有所幫助。
知名人演講稿篇1
my fellow citizens:
i stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. i thank president bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
forty-four americans have now taken the presidential oath. the words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. at these moments, america has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.
so it has been. so it must be with this generation of americans.
that we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
these are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that america's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
today i say to you that the challenges we face are real. they are serious and they are many. they will not be met easily or in a short span of time. but know this, america — they will be met.
on this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
on this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
we remain a young nation, but in the words of scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. the time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the god-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
in reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. it must be earned. our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. it has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
for us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
for us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the west; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
for us, they fought and died, in places like concord and gettysburg; normandy and khe sahn.
time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. they saw america as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
this is the journey we continue today. we remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on earth. our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. our capacity remains undiminished. but our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking america.
for everywhere we look, there is work to be done. the state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. we will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. we will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. we will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. and we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. all this we can do. all this we will do.
now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. their memories are short. for they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
what the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. the question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. where the answer is no, programs will end. those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. the success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
as for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. our founding fathers ... our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. and so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that america is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.
recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. they understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
we are the keepers of this legacy. guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. we will begin to responsibly leave iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in afghanistan. with old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. we will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
for we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. we are a nation of christians and muslims, jews and hindus — and non-believers. we are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that america must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
to the muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. to those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the west — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. to those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
to the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. and to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. for the world has changed, and we must change with it.
as we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. they have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in arlington whisper through the ages. we honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. and yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
for as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the american people upon which this nation relies. it is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. it is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
our challenges may be new. the instruments with which we meet them may be new. but those values upon which our success depends — hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. these things are true. they have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. what is demanded then is a return to these truths. what is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every american, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
this is the price and the promise of citizenship.
this is the source of our confidence — the knowledge that god calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
this is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
so let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. in the year of america's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. the capital was abandoned. the enemy was advancing. the snow was stained with blood. at a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it)."
america, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. with hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and god's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
thank you. god bless you. and god bless the united states of america.
知名人演講稿篇2
i am prepared to die for an idea.
my friends, comrades, and fellow south africans: i greet you all in the name of peace, democracy, and freedom for all. i stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people. your tireless and heroic sacrifices have made it possible for me to be here today. i therefore have placed the remaining years of my life in your , i extend my sincere and warmest gratitude to the millions of my compatriots and those in every corner of the globe who have campaigned tirelessly for my release. i extend special greetings to the people of cape town the city through which — which has been my home for three decades.
i salute the rank?and?file members of the anc: you have sacrificed life and limb in the pursuit of the noble cause of our , like solomon mahlangu and ashley kriel, who have paid the ultimate price for the freedom of all south africans. i salute the south african communist party for its sterling contribution to the struggle for democracy. you have survived 40 years of unrelenting persecution.
the memory of great communists like moses kotane, yusuf dadoo, bram fischer, and moses mabhida will be cherished for generations to come. i salute general secretary joe slovo, one of our finest patriots. we are heartened by the fact that the alliance between ourselves and the party remains as strong as it — it always , the national education crisis committee, the south african youth congress, the transvaal and natal indian congresses, and cosatu and the many other formations of the mass democratic movement. i also salute the black sash and the national union of south african students.
we note with pride that you have looked — that you have acted as the conscience of white south africa. even during the darkest days in the history of our struggle you held the flag of liberty high. the large?scale mass mobilization of the past few years is one of the key factors which led to the opening of the final chapter of our — your organized strength is the pride of our movement. you remain the most dependable force in the struggle to end exploitation and oppression.
i greet the traditional leaders of our country — many among you continue to walk in the footsteps of great heroes like hintsa and , you, the young lions. you, the young lions, have energized our entire struggle. i pay tribute to the mothers and wives and sisters of our nation. without your support our struggle would not have reached this advanced stage. the sacrifice of the frontline states will be remembered by south africans , black and white, recognize that apartheid has no future. it has to be ended by our own decisive mass action in order to build peace and security.
the mass campaigns of defiance and other actions of our organizations and people can onlyculminate in the establishment of continent is in calculable. the fabric of family life of millions of my people has been shattered. millions are homeless and unemployed. our economy — our economy lies in ruins and our people are embroiled in political strife. our resort to the armed struggle in 19xx with the formation of the military wing of the anc, umkhonto we sizwe, was a purely defensive action against the violence of apartheid. the factors which necessitated the armed struggle still exist today. we have no option but to continue. we express the hope that a climate conducive to a negotiated settlement will be created soon so that there may no longer be the need for the armed , strategies, and , i feel duty?bound to make the point that a leader of the movement is a person who has been democratically elected at a national conference.
this is a principle which must be upheld without any , i wish to report to you that my talks with the government have been aimed at normalizing the political situation in the country. we have not as yet begun discussing the basic demands of the struggle. i wish to stress that i myself have at no time entered into negotiations about the future of our country except to insist on a meeting between the anc and the has gone further than any other nationalist president in taking real steps to normalize the situation. however, there are further steps, as outlined in the harare declaration, that have to be met before negotiations on the basic demands of our people can begin.
negotiations cannot take place — negotiations cannot take place above the heads or behind the backs of our people. it is our belief that the future of our country can only be determined by a body which is democratically elected on a non?racial basis. negotiations on the dismantling of apartheid will have to address the overwhelming demands of our people for a democratic, non?racial and unitary south africa. and this reality is that we are still suffering under the policies of the nationalist , so that the process towards democracy is rapid and uninterrupted. we have waited too long for our freedom. we can no longer wait.
now is the time to intensify the struggle on all fronts. to relax our efforts now would be a mistake which generations to come will not be able to role in a united democratic and non?racial south africa is the only way to peace and racial harmony. in conclusion, i wish to quote my own words during my trial in 19xx. they are as true today as they were then. i spoke: i have fought against white domination and i have fought against black domination. i have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and — and with equal opportunities. it is an ideal which i hope to live for and to achieve. but if needs be, it is an ideal for which i am prepared to die.
知名人演講稿篇3
老師們，同學(xué)們：
大家下午好!我今天演講的題目是《不肯放棄的林肯》。
堅持到底的最佳實例可能就是亞伯拉罕·林肯。如果你想知道有誰從末放棄，那就不必再尋尋覓覓了!
生下來就一貧如洗的林肯，終其一生都在面對挫敗，八次競選八次落敗，兩次經(jīng)商失敗，甚至還精神崩潰過一次。好多次，他本可以放棄，但他并沒有如此，也正因為他沒有放棄，才成為美國歷史上最偉大的總統(tǒng)之一。
以下是林肯進(jìn)駐白宮前的簡歷：
1820xx年，家人被趕出了居住的地方，他必須工作以撫養(yǎng)他們;1820xx年，母親去世;1831年，經(jīng)商失敗;1832年，競選州議員但落選了;1832年，工作也丟了，想就讀法學(xué)院，但進(jìn)不去;1833年，向朋友借錢經(jīng)商，但年底就破產(chǎn)了，接下來他花了十六年，才把債還清;1834年，再次競選州議員，贏了!1835年，訂婚后即將結(jié)婚時，末婚妻卻死了，因此他的心也碎了;1836年，精神完全崩潰，臥病在床六個月;1838年，爭取成為州議員的發(fā)言人，沒有成功;1840年，爭取成為選舉人了，失敗了;1843年，參加國會大選落選了;1846年，再次參加國會大選 這次當(dāng)選了!前往華盛頓特區(qū)，表現(xiàn)可圈可點;1848年，尋求國會議員連任失敗了!
1849年，想在自己的州內(nèi)擔(dān)任土地局長的工作，被拒絕了!1854年，競選美國參議員，落選了;1856年，在共和黨的全國代表大會上爭取副總統(tǒng)的提名，得票不到一百張;1858年，再度競選美國參議員一一再度落敗;1860年，當(dāng)選美國總統(tǒng)。
此路艱辛而泥濘。我一只腳滑了一下，另一只腳也因而站不穩(wěn);但我緩口氣，告訴自己，"這不過是滑一跤，并不是死去而爬不起來。" --林肯在競選參議員落敗后如是說。
我的演講結(jié)束了，謝謝大家!
知名人演講稿篇4
myname is li jin. today i am very glad to have the chance to run for the vicepresident of the english club. concerning the position of vice president of theenglish club, i feel qualified to take the job. first, i have gained a lot ofexperience and received wide praise from my classmates for my job as monitor.second, i am a warm-hearted boy and always ready to help others. third, i amgood at organizing activities and have held a number of english corners anddiscussions.
lookinginto the future, i will try my best to assist the president and serve my fellowstudents if i am lucky enough to be the vice president. my plan is as follows:on the one hand, i will organize some campus activities, like englishevening, a platform where students can show their english. in thisprocess, we can still learn from each other. and i will invite some famous professorsto give lectures for our students so that we can acquire a lot of knowledge. onthe other hand, i will organize more activities to enhance the interschoolcommunication. we can compete with students from other universities in debatecontests or speech contests. moreover, i will open more channels for you tovoice your opinions and need.
isincerely hope you will give me a chance, and please believe me that i will bea good vice president. thankyou.
知名人演講稿篇5
在我去蘇格蘭的前一晚，中國達(dá)人秀邀請我到上海主持總決賽體育館的現(xiàn)場有八萬名觀眾。知道特別嘉賓是誰嗎?蘇珊大媽。我告訴她："我明天要去蘇格蘭。"
她不但歌聲非常動聽，還學(xué)會了說幾句中文。她說："送你蔥"這句話的意思不是"你好，""謝謝，"那類的話。"送你蔥"意思是"免費的大蔥。"她為什么要說這句話呢?
因為"送你蔥"是來自有著"中國蘇珊大媽"之稱的一位五十多歲在上海賣菜的女?dāng)傌?，她非常喜歡西方歌劇，但她不懂歌詞的意思也不會說英語，法語，或是意大利語，所以她以獨特的方式來記歌詞將歌詞全部換成蔬菜名。(笑聲)
意大利歌劇公主徹夜未眠的最后一句她當(dāng)時就是以"送你蔥"來演唱的。當(dāng)蘇珊大媽說了這句話的時候，現(xiàn)場的八萬名觀眾一起跟著唱了起來。當(dāng)時的場面十分有趣。
我想蘇珊大媽還有那位上海的賣菜大嬸都有她們的獨特之處。
大家通常會覺得她們無法在娛樂圈這個行業(yè)里闖出天下，但是才能和勇氣讓她們得到了肯定。
一場秀和一個平臺讓她們有了一個可以圓夢的舞臺。
其實要與眾不同不是什么難事。我們都有獨特之處，可以從不同的角度來看。我覺得與眾不同其實很好，因為你有不同的想法。你也許可以在某一方面有影響。
我這個年代的人是幸運的我們目睹并參與了中國歷史性的變化。在過去的二，三十年里中國發(fā)生了很多變化。
我還記得1990年的時候。我剛好讀完大學(xué)，我當(dāng)時申請了一個營銷的工作地點是北京的一個五星級賓館，這個賓館現(xiàn)在還有，叫喜來登長城飯店。
在被一位日本經(jīng)理詢問了半小時之后，他在面試要結(jié)束時說，"楊小姐，你有問題要問我嗎?"我鼓起了勇氣，鎮(zhèn)定地問："你能不能告訴我，你們賣什么的?"
因為我當(dāng)時完全不知道一個五星級飯店的銷售部要做什么。那是我第一次走進(jìn)一家五星級飯店。
與此同時，我參加了由中國國家電臺舉辦的試聽會這是第一個向大眾開放的試聽會現(xiàn)場還有上千名的女大生。制作人告訴我們他們在找甜美，單純和漂亮的'新面孔。
當(dāng)輪到我的時候，我起身問道，"為什么在電視上的女人一定要長得漂亮，甜美，單純還要配合度高?為什么她們不能有自己的想法說自己的話?"我以為我的話可能有點冒犯了評委。
但我的話反而得到了他們的認(rèn)同。因此我進(jìn)入了第二回合，然后第三，第四。在第七回合比賽結(jié)束后，我戰(zhàn)勝了所有的選手。我也因此在加入了黃金檔的一個節(jié)目。
你也許不敢相信，這個節(jié)目是中國第一個允許主持人表達(dá)他們自己的想法他們不需要念之前寫好的稿。(掌聲)我當(dāng)時每周的觀眾人數(shù)達(dá)到2-3億。
幾年以后，我決定去美國的哥倫比亞大學(xué)讀研究所，同時也創(chuàng)辦了自己的媒體公司，這個想法在我剛剛?cè)胄械臅r候并不存在。
公司的項目分很多類。我訪問過的人數(shù)已經(jīng)過千。有時候年輕人會對我說："楊瀾姐，你改變了我的人生。"
這些話讓我感到驕傲。我覺我這代人很幸運因為我們看到了整個國家的興起。北京競標(biāo)奧運的舉辦權(quán)我有在場。我也代表了上海市博會。
我看到了中國擁抱全世界也看到了全世界擁抱中國。
但我有時會想，現(xiàn)在的年輕人到底要做什么?他們到底有什么不同之處，有什么樣的變化會因他們而產(chǎn)生這些變化會怎樣改變中國，甚至整個世界?
所以我今天的話題是關(guān)于年輕一代通過社交媒體的平臺來認(rèn)識他們。
首先，他們是誰?長得什么樣?照片上的女孩叫郭美美20歲，很漂亮。在她的微博上，她炫耀了自己的名牌包，衣服，還有車在她的微博上，微博是中國版的twitter。
她還說自己是商會紅十字會在商會的一名經(jīng)理。她沒有想到她的舉動引起了大眾的敏感導(dǎo)致了一場全國性的質(zhì)問，差一點變成一場針對紅十字會的騷亂。
這場爭論非常激烈以至于紅十字會開了一場記者會來澄清"郭美美事件，"該事件也因此被調(diào)查。
現(xiàn)今為止，公眾已知道郭美美給自己捏造了紅十字會經(jīng)理的職位也許是因為她喜歡慈善二字。她的那些奢侈品是男朋友送的禮物她的男友之前是一名董事會成員在商會紅十字會下屬的一個部門工作。
這個解釋起來有點困難。盡管如此，公眾憤怒仍未平息。熱論還在進(jìn)行中。這個事件說明了民眾對政府機構(gòu)或是政府所支持的機構(gòu)的不信任，而這些機構(gòu)在過去都不夠透明。
這個事件也說明了社交網(wǎng)站的力量和影響。微博就是個很好的例子。
微博在2010年興起，訪客人數(shù)翻倍瀏覽時間更是之前的三倍。單是新浪網(wǎng)，一個主要的新聞網(wǎng)站，就有超過1.4億的微博用戶。騰訊網(wǎng):2億。
有最多人關(guān)注的用戶不是我是個電影女演員，她有超過九百五十萬的跟隨者，網(wǎng)上的叫法是粉絲。大約有80%的微博用戶都是年輕人，年齡在30歲以下。
大家應(yīng)該都知道傳統(tǒng)媒體依然由政府控制，社交網(wǎng)站提供了一個平臺讓大家可以表達(dá)自己的不滿。
因為其它的平臺不多，來自社交網(wǎng)站的激憤有時可以變得非常強烈，非?；钴S甚至帶有暴力。
通過微博，我們可以進(jìn)一步地了解在中國年輕的一代。但他們到底有什么不同之處?
第一，他們大部分是80后和90后，出生在一胎化政策的年代。因為有了選擇性的流產(chǎn)很多家長選擇要男不要女，后果就是現(xiàn)今男人的數(shù)量超出女人數(shù)量的3千萬。
這個差別讓社會存在一種潛在危險，但沒人敢確定;因為我們生活在一個全球化的世界，男生們可以到其它國家找女友。年輕人里的大多數(shù)都受過不錯的教育。中國這一代的文盲人數(shù)少于百分之一。
在城市里，有80%的學(xué)生上大學(xué)。但他們面對的是一個在變化的中國今年，年齡超過65的人口已經(jīng)達(dá)到百分之7點幾，到2030年人口老化會達(dá)到15%。
大家也許知道我們的傳統(tǒng)是年輕的這一代有義務(wù)供養(yǎng)老的一代，在他們生病時候照顧他們。這意味著已成家的年輕人將需要供養(yǎng)4位父母他們的預(yù)期壽命是73歲。
他們的工作時間長薪水卻相對較少，社會福利也不多。很多因素都會影響他們像失業(yè)，通貨膨脹，銀行貸款政策緊縮，人民幣升值，或是歐美國家對中國產(chǎn)品需求的下降。
去年，一場悲劇在中國南方的設(shè)備生產(chǎn)工廠發(fā)生了：13名工人年紀(jì)在20歲左右自殺，就像是一場傳染病一樣。只是死亡原因不同。整個事件引起了社會的關(guān)注。大家開始關(guān)心這些工人身體和心理上的孤單。
有些選擇返回鄉(xiāng)村的人，當(dāng)?shù)厝耸謿g迎他們回鄉(xiāng)。
因為他們在城市獲得了知識，技術(shù)，和人際關(guān)系，通過互聯(lián)網(wǎng)的幫助，他們可以創(chuàng)造更多工作，在發(fā)展較落后的地區(qū)將農(nóng)業(yè)升級并創(chuàng)造更多商機。
過去幾年里，在臨海區(qū)域，出現(xiàn)勞動力短缺的現(xiàn)象。
這些圖表顯示一個更概括的社會狀況。第一個是恩格爾系數(shù)，它解釋了每天生活必需的花費的百分比在過去的10年內(nèi)，從家庭收入的角度來看，已經(jīng)下降到37%。
但是在過去的兩年里，這個比例上漲到39%，這說明了生活花費在上升。吉尼系數(shù)顯示已經(jīng)過了0.4的警戒線。現(xiàn)在是0.5比美國還差說明的收入不平等。
你能看到整個社會都感到沮喪因為他們失去了一部分的流動性。同時，針對富人和有權(quán)利人士的怨恨與憎恨開始蔓延。
所以各種對腐敗或是的指控都可造成社會的譴責(zé)甚至動亂。
通過觀察微博上一些最熱門的話題，我們可以更了解年輕的一代。
社會公正與政府責(zé)任是他們最關(guān)心的問題。在過去的十年里，大量的城市化發(fā)展讓我們看見了很多有關(guān)強拆私人住宅的報導(dǎo)。
這些新聞引起了年輕人的不滿和失望。過程中有時有人死亡，也有人以自焚來抗議。當(dāng)這類報導(dǎo)大量在互聯(lián)網(wǎng)上出現(xiàn)的時候，人們強烈要求政府出面制止。
好消息是在今年早期，國務(wù)院在房屋申請和拆建方面頒布了一項新政策同時允許法庭傳喚那些強拆的地方政府官員。還有很有其它讓民眾擔(dān)憂的問題在互聯(lián)網(wǎng)上受到了強烈議論。
大家應(yīng)該都聽說過空氣污染，水源污染，有毒食品。但應(yīng)該不知道我們還發(fā)明了山寨版牛肉吧。這種牛肉精包含多種成分如果你把它們涂在雞肉或是魚肉上面，那就雞魚肉看起來就像牛肉了。
最近，民眾們開始擔(dān)心食用油，原因是有上千的人發(fā)現(xiàn)餐館使用的油是加工過的陰溝油。
心就好。
在這張圖片里，是一種很流行的現(xiàn)象叫做"裸婚"。
他們不是在婚禮上不穿衣服，但已經(jīng)決定要在沒有車房，沒有鉆戒沒有婚宴的情況下結(jié)為夫婦，來實現(xiàn)他們對真愛的承諾。
通過社交媒體，人們還做了有很多意義的事。這張圖片上展示了一臺卡車上的500只將會被加工成食物的流浪狗和被綁架的狗在高速路上被發(fā)現(xiàn)和停了下來整個國家都在微博上關(guān)注此事件。有人捐錢，捐狗糧志愿去停下那臺卡車。
幾小時的協(xié)商后，這500只狗獲救了。同時也有人幫助找走失的孩童。這位爸爸將兒子的圖片上傳到網(wǎng)上，在成千上萬的轉(zhuǎn)發(fā)后，孩子找到了，我們通過微博見證了一家的團(tuán)聚。
幸福是最近兩年里聽到最多次的詞語。幸福不單只是和個人經(jīng)歷和價值相關(guān)，它也同樣關(guān)系到我們的環(huán)境。
人們在思考這些問題：我們到底應(yīng)不應(yīng)該犧牲我們的環(huán)境來換取gdp的增長?我們應(yīng)該如何來實現(xiàn)社會和政治的改革才能趕上經(jīng)濟(jì)的增長，讓發(fā)展更持續(xù)和更穩(wěn)定?
還有，自行糾正的制度到底有多大的能力讓人們在這么多沖突的情況下還能感到滿足?
我想民眾們會給這些問題一個答案。我們年輕的一代將會改變他們的國家同時也改變了自己。
